How Far Do You Agree that the New Weimar Republic
was Seriously Threatened by Political Extremists
in the Years 1919–24?

Note: One of my duties in the various places where I teach is to show students how to write essays – something most young people are not nowadays taught to do. What I like to do in class is to choose a question at random, discuss possible approaches, and then dictate an answer one paragraph at a time. Some of these answers are very short. Some are just notes. Some amount to small dissertations. In this latter case, the students take turns at looking on-line for the information we decide is needed. It they cannot find it, I show them how to change the structure of what has already been written, or to strike out in a new direction.

It is a “writing masterclass” approach that makes use of my own strengths, and is often a welcome alternative to formal teaching. It fills up a long morning session. Everyone learns something, and the more attentive will improve their final grades by at least one step.

Here is an example of the finished product. Do not take it as a statement of personal opinion. It is an answer produced for a specific question, and it bears in mind what a possibly unknown examiner will appreciate, and what can be written to incorporate the sources found in class. SIG

PS – If anyone wants to engage my services as a teacher of these skills, please click on the image to the left. Though they are my niche subjects, Greek and Latin are not my exclusive focus as a teacher. I do much else besides.

“How far do you agree that the Weimar Republic was seriously threatened by political extremists in the years 1919–24?”

The Weimar Republic was born in defeat. It was born also in starvation and chaos, resulting from the continued British blockade, from the territorial losses imposed by the Treaty of Versailles, and from the sudden demobilisation of millions of men who had no place in an economy wrecked by unemployment and rising inflation. Many of these men resembled the bandit gangs that had appeared at the end of earlier European wars, though in this case they were often organised along ideological lines, most notably in the Freikorps. In this context, it is not surprising that the Republic faced sustained political violence. However, while extremist movements caused serious disruption between 1919 and 1924, it is arguable that they did not pose a truly existential threat to the survival of the state.

The first outbreaks of violence came from the Communist left, which regarded the new Republic as a bourgeois swindle. Inspired by events in Russia, they wished Germany to follow the Bolshevik path to full socialism. In January 1919, around fifty thousand Spartacists in Berlin launched a rebellion led by Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht. This uprising was put down with considerable brutality by government forces and their Freikorps allies, with both leaders killed in the aftermath.

Communist unrest did not end there. In 1919, workers’ councils seized power in several parts of Germany, and a Communist People’s Government was established in Bavaria. The aim was again to push Germany in the direction taken by the Bolsheviks in Russia. The result was widespread violence, with killings carried out both by Communist forces and by the regular army and Freikorps units sent to suppress them. A further attempted revolution occurred in 1920, when a Communist militia known as the Red Army attempted to take control of the Ruhr. Although these events demonstrated the capacity of the left to mobilise large numbers of supporters, they ultimately failed to overturn the Republic.

At the same time, the Republic faced hostility from the nationalist right. These groups rejected the Treaty of Versailles and denounced Weimar politicians as “November Criminals” for agreeing to the Armistice and the subsequent peace settlement. In March 1920, the right-wing nationalist Wolfgang Kapp led a coup that briefly took control of Berlin. The army refused to intervene against the rebels, which might suggest a serious threat to the Republic. However, the putsch collapsed when Berlin workers went on strike, demonstrating that the Republic could still rely on significant support from organised labour.

The most dramatic challenge from the right came with the Munich Putsch in November 1923. By this point, the Nazis had emerged as the leading force within the nationalist right, having absorbed many former Freikorps elements into their paramilitary organisation, the SA. Adolf Hitler attempted to overthrow the Bavarian government and then march on Berlin in imitation of Mussolini’s success in Italy. The attempt failed quickly, with Hitler arrested and the movement temporarily discredited. While the putsch revealed the ambitions of the nationalist right, it also exposed their weakness.

These specific events took place against a broader background of political violence. There were frequent pitched battles in the streets between nationalist and Communist groups. Right-wing terrorists carried out a campaign of assassinations, killing 356 government politicians, including the Foreign Minister Walter Rathenau and the former Finance Minister Matthias Erzberger. The judiciary, many of whose members had served under the Kaiser, often treated right-wing offenders leniently, either giving light sentences or allowing them to go free. This uneven application of justice undermined confidence in the Republic and contributed to an atmosphere of instability.

Nevertheless, while the level of violence was undoubtedly serious, it is questionable whether the Republic was ever in genuine danger of collapse during this period. At all times, it retained at least the minimal loyalty of key governing institutions. Even when the army refused to act against the Kapp Putsch, the government was able to rely on the support of trade unions, whose general strike proved decisive.

In addition, pro-Republic parties were consistently able to hold power in the Reichstag, if not always with a comfortable majority. In the first consolidated general election of June 1920, a centre-right government emerged with the passive support of the Social Democrats. Neither the Communists nor the nationalist right were in a position to form a government. This pattern continued in the two elections of 1924. The German people may not have been enthusiastic supporters of the Weimar system, but there was little evidence of a widespread desire to replace it with either a Communist or nationalist dictatorship.

Furthermore, Germany’s international position limited the possibility of extremist success. The country was defeated and disarmed, with no allies to support any attempt at radical change. It remained at the mercy of the victorious powers—Britain, France, and Belgium. In 1923, the French occupation of the Ruhr demonstrated the extent of this dependence. There was no realistic possibility of military resistance, let alone of a nationalist government repudiating the Treaty of Versailles. Equally, the Allies had no interest in allowing a Communist revolution that might extend Russian influence into Central Europe. The continued existence of the Weimar Republic was therefore in the interests of the international system, which helped to ensure its survival.

In conclusion, there is no doubt that the Weimar Republic was seriously disrupted by political extremism between 1919 and 1924. The frequency of uprisings, assassinations, and street violence created an atmosphere of instability and weakened public confidence in the regime. However, these movements never posed a sustained or credible threat to the Republic’s existence. The government retained the support of key institutions, extremist parties lacked the electoral strength to take power, and international constraints limited the scope for radical change. Political violence was therefore a serious nuisance rather than a decisive danger. The eventual collapse of the Republic after 1929 owed far more to the economic crisis of the Great Depression than to the extremist challenges of its early years.

 

 

Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , ,